The DFL leadership's health "reform" bills contain poison pills By Kip Sullivan, March 10, 2008 Last May, fifty-seven state legislators, all DFLers, signed on to the Minnesota Health Act, a single-payer bill that would implement universal health insurance within two years of the date of enactment. You might think that a bill with the support of one-fourth of the state's 201 legislators would have influenced the DFL leadership. You would be wrong. The DFL leaders on health policy, Sen. Linda Berglin (Minneapolis) and Rep. Tom Huntley (Duluth), have introduced bills that tweak the current system and, in the case of Senator Berglin's bill, move us further away from a single-payer system. In this commentary, I will concentrate on Senator Berglin's bill because it is the worst of the two bills. I'll comment on Rep. Huntley's bill at a later time. Senator Berglin's bill, SF 3099, calls for the creation of a second layer of insurance companies beneath the current layer (dominated by Blue Cross, Medica, and HealthPartners). It also requires the publication of report cards on the quality of care provided by these second-layer companies as well as by the individual clinics and hospitals. These "reforms" are to our health care system what poison is to a sick patient. They will force our health care system, already groaning under excessive administrative costs, to bear even more administrative costs. They will also damage quality of care, lead to further consolidation of our health care industry, and destroy patient privacy. IF IT QUACKS LIKE A DUCK. SF 3099 does not state that its goal is to create a second layer of insurance companies, but that's precisely what the bill will do. The new layer of insurance companies will be created by language in the bill calling for clinics and hospitals to assemble themselves into large networks called "care systems" that will have the essential features of an insurance company: They will be paid premiums, they will have the equivalent of policy-holders or enrollees, and they will bear risk. SF 3099 assiduously avoids words like "premiums" and other insurance lingo. However, the bill does say care systems will be paid a fee per month or year (the bill doesn't specify the time period) by the first layer of insurance companies for each patient who enrolls with a care system, and care systems will be legally obligated to provide all necessary medical services to its enrollees. SF 3099 doesn't call the payments to the care systems "premiums," but that's precisely what they'll be. SF 3099 does not call the care system members "policy-holders" or "enrollees," but that's precisely what they'll be. The bill refers to the "patient populations" of care systems. That phrase, plus the provisions in the bill making care systems "responsible" for the "total care" of those populations, makes it clear patients will have to enroll in care systems in advance, just as we have to sign up with insurance companies prior to the start of calendar years now, and that care systems will be legally responsible for providing all necessary medical care to those "populations." In sum, care systems will be insurance companies that won't be called insurance companies. But they will look, walk and quack like insurance companies. NO PATIENT LEFT BEHIND SF 3099 also calls for report cards on care systems and individual providers (clinics and hospitals) that will cost a lot to produce, will damage quality of care for at least some patients, and destroy what's left of patient privacy. These report cards are supposed to serve two purposes: They will, we are told, help Minnesotans "shop" for the best care system and the best clinic or hospital once they are published in the media and on the Internet; and they will serve as the basis for "pay for performance" payment methods that will reward doctors for getting good "grades" on the report cards and punish doctors who get "bad" grades on the report cards. The report cards will be prepared by an entity called the Health Care Value Reporting Organization. This entity will apparently be a private corporation like the Minnesota Community Measurement Project, an organization financed by the health insurance industry (SF 3099 specifically mentions the Community Measurement Project as an acceptable candidate). (George W. Bush is such a fan of the Community Measurement Project that he flew out to Minnetonka two years ago to celebrate it as the cutting edge example of the No Patient Left Behind report cards that he thinks will solve the health care crisis.) In order to prepare report cards, the Health Care Value Reporting Organization is authorized to collect patient medical records from all Minnesota clinics and hospitals as well as all patient medical records that health plans have gotten their hands on. The Reporting Organization will need lots of data on patients because SF 3099 instructs the Reporting Organization to "risk adjust" the grades on report cards. "Risk adjustment" refers to the process of adjusting "grades" on provider report cards that take into account differences in patient health, patient income, and other factors outside of providers' control that influence the outcomes being measured. For example, if the quality measure is the percent of heart disease patients who survive surgery for more than 30 days, you would want to adjust the 30-day survival rates for factors like number of diseased coronary arteries, whether the surgery was emergency or non-emergency, whether the patient had a normal pulse at the start of surgery or was in shock, and so on. Those data are, by definition, medical records data. In short, SF 3099's call for report cards on all Minnesota providers for all diseases known to Western medicine means the complete destruction of patient privacy. It does no good to say that the clinics will only be sending patient medical data to Big Brother after "patient identifiers" have been stripped. I doubt very much all identifiers will be stripped. In any case, some third party will have to strip the identifiers. In other words, the de-identification process itself will violate patient privacy. WRONG DIAGNOSIS What on earth could justify legislation like the provisions in SF 3099 that call for the creation of a second layer of insurance companies and a blizzard of report cards? Like most legislation, SF 3099 does not lay out the rationale for the bill's provisions. To get some idea of the rationale for creating an even more Byzantine insurance industry than we already have, and for subjecting this more Byzantine industry to No Patient Left Behind report cards, we have to turn to the Health Care Transformation Task Force (TTF), a commission created by the Legislature in the spring of 2007. The proposal to create a second layer of insurance companies is based on a recommendation by the TTF in its January 2008 report to the Legislature known as "level 3 payment reform." The arguments for this "reform" set forth by the TTS are somewhat cryptic, but when you decode them they turn out to be the same unfounded arguments that have been made for the last four decades for managed care. According to the TTF report, and according to testimony of TTF members at a House joint committee hearing on February 28, the health care crisis is caused by bad doctors. Bad doctors are everywhere, we are told. They are not practicing good medicine, they are harming health, and the resulting high prevalence of sickness in our population is the reason why American health care costs are double those of Canada, England, France and the rest of the industrialized world. Never mind the high administrative costs generated by the insurance industry, never mind hospitals and clinics buying more equipment than is necessary, never mind specialists and drug companies charging sky-high prices, never mind fraud committed by insurance companies and some clinics and hospitals. Note how similar this diagnosis is to the Bush administration's diagnosis of the crisis in our schools. The problem is bad teachers. And what's causing all the bad doctoring, you ask? Why, it's the fee-for-service method of paying doctors, the dominant method of paying doctors in this country for centuries. The TTF members and other advocates of "level 3 payment reform" can't bring themselves to come right out and say bad doctors are the problem and the fee-for-service system is inducing bad doctoring. They prefer much more abstract language that makes it harder to pin them down. Here are examples of semi-cryptic statements from the TTF report that implicate doctors and the fee-for-service system as the primary causes of the American health care crisis: * "The quality of health care is uneven, and it is well below the levels that Minnesotans should expect for the money we are spending." * "The way we pay for health care must be fundamentally changed in ways that support improvements in quality and establish accountability for the total cost of care." At the February 28 House hearing, one TTF member made these pronouncements: * "The quality of [medical] services does not enter into what is paid"; * "Our payment system does not take into account quality"; and * "We know quality 'varies significantly'" You see how the game is played. The TTF and "level 3 payment reform" advocates don't come right out and say doctors are bad and the fee-for-service method is the culprit. Rather, they tell us "quality is uneven" and the current "payment system does not take quality into account." You're supposed to conclude: * that "uneven quality" means "inferior quality," * that this inferior quality is induced by the "payment system" as opposed to high drug prices, lack of insurance, the nurse shortage, overstressed ER departments, managed care insurance companies meddling in the doctor-patient relationship, etc., * and that the TTF members have a payment method up their sleeve that will "take quality into account," and make quality "even" (please God, give us "even" health quality). Let's begin our analysis of these cryptic remarks with the question, How do we know "quality is uneven"? Advocates of "level 3 payment reform" virtually always cite one of three sources. I'll discuss their favorite one here. According to the TTF report and to at least one of the TTF members who testified at the February 28 hearing, we know quality is "uneven" because the Community Measurement Project tells us so. "If you go to the Minnesota Community Measurement Project, you see significant differences in outcomes," this witness stated. I urge you to go to the Web site of this organization (mnhealthcare.org) right now and tell me if you see any evidence of "uneven quality." Just for fun, type in "diabetes" into the box entitled "select by condition" that appears on the first page of this Web site. Up will come a list of dozens of Minnesota clinics and clinic-hospital networks (the future "care systems" under Senator Berglin's bill) with percentages next to their names. These percentages are the percent of diabetic patients "assigned" to these clinics who have their blood sugars, blood pressure, and cholesterol levels under control, who don't smoke, and who take aspirin daily. You will see, for example, that only 8 percent of the diabetics "assigned" to the Mayo Clinic make the grade on these five measures of "quality," only 1% of the diabetics "assigned" to the MeritCare Clinic in Cass Lake make the grade, and 15 percent of the diabetics "assigned" to the Park Nicollet Clinic in Burnsville make the grade. (I put "assigned" in quotes just to alert you that the way the Community Measurement Project lumps patients into one clinic's denominator and not some other clinic's denominator is suspect.) When your eyes behold these figures, do you leap to the conclusion that they reflect differences in "quality"? Do you leap to the conclusion that the doctors in the MeritCare clinic in Cass Lake are inferior to the doctors at Mayo, or that the doctors at Mayo are inferior to the doctors at the Park Nicollet Clinic of Burnsville? I sure hope you don't. But that's precisely what the TTF members and Senator Berglin want you to believe. The problem with those slick-looking tables at the Community Measurement Project's Web site is that the Community Measurement Project makes no effort to adjust the percentages for factors outside the clinics' control. You don't have to have a PhD in anything to know that the best doctors in the world cannot make their diabetic patients buy cholesterol-lowering drugs like Lipitor or Zocor. They can't buy health insurance for their uninsured patients, and they cannot guarantee that if their patients have health insurance it will cover prescription drugs and won't have prohibitively high deductibles. They can't hoist their poor patients out of poverty. They can't make them literate if they're illiterate. Just as teachers can't guarantee that the kids they teach won't come to school hungry, so doctors cannot control all the factors that will affect their grades on sloppy, deceptive report cards like the one the Community Measurement Project publishes. If one clinic has more poor, uninsured, and/or illiterate diabetics, it is bound to look bad on report cards like the one you see at the Community Measurement Project Web site. If the MeritCare Clinic at Cass Lake, for example, is serving a disproportionately poor and uninsured population, then the diabetics who show up at that clinic are far more likely to be unable to follow their doctor's instructions. It is simply wrong to cite the Community Measurement Project as evidence that "quality is uneven," or to use plainer language, that bad doctoring is rampant in Minnesota. I believe the average, unbiased reader gets what I'm saying. But just to drive this point home, let me use an analogy. Let's say we did a survey of auto mechanics and automobile owners in Minnesota and determined that only half the cars in Minnesota have had their oil changed on schedule. Would anyone leap to the conclusion that the problem is bad auto mechanics? Of course not. If we had the equivalent of a Community Measurement Project report card on auto mechanics that showed that the percent of cars up to date on their oil changes was 8% at one shop and 15% at another, would we say "quality of car care is uneven"? Of course we wouldn't. We could easily imagine a host of factors affecting car maintenance that has nothing to do with the quality of auto mechanic services. But according to the logic of the TTF and their allies, we should leap to the conclusion that auto mechanics are the problem, and subjecting them to report cards and a new payment method will solve the problem of "uneven car care." I'm not arguing that quality of medical care cannot be improved. I'm arguing that there is simply no evidence to support the claim of the "level 3 performance report" advocates that bad quality is rampant, nor that what bad quality there is out there is caused by the fee-for-service payment method. And there sure as heck is no evidence that report cards are a solution to anything that ails the Americans system. I'll comment more about report cards in my email about Rep. Huntley's bill. THE TTF'S REBUTTAL The proponents of the "level 3 payment reforms" have argued that their proposal does not shift risk to care systems and thereby convert them into a second layer of insurance companies. They claim that the payments to care systems will be risk-adjusted (using the same data the report-card makers will be using to risk-adjust grades on report cards) so that the premiums vary with the health status of the patients who enroll with them. But risk adjustment methods are very crude. They predict very little of the actual expenditures incurred by individual patients. Therefore, it is not accurate to argue that risk adjustment leaves all the risk with the current layer of insurance companies and shifts none to providers. Current research on risk adjusters justifies the statement that 85 to 90 percent of the risk will be shifted to care systems and only 10 to 15 percent of the risk will be retained by the current layer of insurance companies. SUMMARY The TTF and Senator Berglin are urging us to adopt a horrendously complicated and expensive "solution" to a problem that either does not exist or is minimal compared with other problems. The evidence simply does not support their diagnosis - that high health care costs are caused by low-quality medical care. Because their diagnosis is wrong, their prescription is wrong. We don't need a second layer of insurance companies practicing managed care. We've been there, we've done that. The managed care experiment failed. There is no point in conducting another experiment in managed care. And we don't need No Patient Left Behind report cards. It would be nice of Senator Berglin and the DFL leadership would get behind the Minnesota Health Act (Senator Berglin made a point of leaving the committee hearing room when the Minnesota Health Act passed the Senate health committee last month by a vote of 8 to 3). But if the DFL health policy "leaders" can't do that, the least they can do is to do no harm. There are a few good things in SF 3099, but they are outweighed by the "level 3 payment reforms" and the report card provisions. If those sections cannot be stripped out of Berglin's bill, then the entire bill should be voted down.